Assets of Seven Citizens Seized in Ilam Province

HRANA – The Chief Justice of Ilam Province has announced the seizure of the assets of seven citizens in the province. He accused the individuals of “espionage and collaboration with the Zionist regime.”

According to Mizan News Agency, the assets of seven citizens in Ilam Province have been confiscated. The Chief Justice of Ilam Province claimed that the measure was carried out within the framework of “protecting public rights” and based on laws related to “espionage and collaboration with the Zionist regime.” He added that the cases against these individuals are currently under review.

Omran Ali Mohammadi further stated that the confiscated assets included housing, vehicles, bank assets, and other property belonging to the citizens.

The report did not disclose the identities of the individuals or provide details regarding the legal proceedings against them.

Amid the military attacks on Iran, Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei announced that judicial orders had been issued for the seizure and confiscation of assets allegedly linked to what he described as “elements cooperating with the enemy inside and outside the country.” He also threatened such individuals with execution, stating: “One of the punishments prescribed in such cases is execution, and following investigations, one of the legal punishments will be applied to those concerned.”

Following this directive by the judiciary, a smart financial inquiry system known as “Saham” was launched. With the activation of this system, prosecutor’s offices and courts across the country are now able to identify citizens’ assets and properties online in the shortest possible time and carry out the necessary confiscation measures.

Day 44 Since the Start of the Protests: Student Gatherings, Warning from the Head of the Judiciary, and the Continuation of Arrests

HRANA – According to HRANA’s latest aggregated data from the beginning of the protests through the end of day forty-four, 676 protest-related incidents have been reported across various locations. These incidents were recorded in 210 cities across 31 provinces. Based on these figures, the total number of confirmed deaths stands at 6,964, of whom 6,473 are categorized as “protesters,” while 212 of those killed were “children under the age of 18.” In addition, 214 individuals affiliated with the government and 65 people classified as “non-protesters civilians” have been reported among the deceased. The number of cases “under review” has been announced as 11,730.

During the same period, the number of injured civilians reached 11,022; total arrests amounted to 51,790 cases; student arrests numbered 122; forced confessions totaled 331 cases; and 11,051 summonses were recorded.

On the forty-fourth day since the start of the protests, the following developments were observed: student gatherings in Mashhad and the raising of demands regarding the situation of detainees; simultaneous judicial and media pressures alongside criticism by the head of the judiciary over delays in handling cases; the denial of a highly controversial death sentence; the publication of trade union and labor statements concerning the killing and arrest of workers; and at the field level, the continuation of scattered arrests as well as mass arrests in several provinces.

Student Gathering at Ferdowsi University of Mashhad; Demands Regarding Arrests and Commemoration of Those Killed

At Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, a group of students gathered on campus despite the prevailing security atmosphere and announced restrictions. The gathering was reported to have taken place in front of the Faculty of Pharmacy, where students chanted slogans and demanded clarification regarding the status of their detained classmate, Amin Pourfarhang. At the same time, accounts published about the gathering referred to a commemoration and the naming of two deceased students, Parsa Safar and Mohammad Mehdi Salari.

Reports released from inside the university also state that Mohammad Hossein Nejabat (the head of the university’s Student Basij) claimed that Amin Pourfarhang’s situation would be clarified “within a maximum of three days” in coordination with the prosecutor’s office. However, as of the time this report was prepared, no official details regarding this student’s place of detention, legal status, or charges have been transparently announced.

Order by the Head of the Judiciary to Expedite Protesters’ Cases

Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei, the head of the judiciary, criticized what he described as a “lack of promptness” in handling cases related to the protests. He emphasized that in cases involving detained individuals or defendants connected to the protests, the pace of proceedings is “not as expected,” and he called for the review process to be accelerated.

This order comes amid numerous reports of detainees remaining in prolonged legal limbo, repeated extensions of detention orders, lack of continuous access to legal counsel, and frequent transfers across several cities. Families have also continued to report the absence of clear and accurate information regarding the status of these cases.

Denial of Issuing a “Death Sentence” for Mohammad Hossein Hosseini; Case at Preliminary Investigation Stage

In relation to one of these cases, the judiciary denied issuing a death sentence for Mohammad Hossein Hosseini, a 26-year-old football player from Mashhad. According to a media outlet affiliated with the judiciary, claims regarding the issuance of a death sentence are “unfounded,” and his case is currently at the preliminary investigation stage.

This denial was published after claims circulated on social media and in some channels alleging that a severe sentence had been issued against the athlete. Despite the rejection of the death sentence claim, official details regarding the specific charges and the course of judicial proceedings remain limited.

Pressure on Media and Restrictions on Communications During the Protests

In the realm of digital rights and freedom of expression, Article 19 has emphasized several key points in its reports on the protests: increased pressure on media outlets and journalists, restrictions on access to the internet and platforms, and the use of control mechanisms to curb the free flow of information. Within this framework, internet shutdowns or disruptions and communication restrictions have functioned not merely as technical measures, but as part of a broader apparatus of repression, affecting the flow of information and the ability to document events.

At the same time, some reports and media analyses have pointed to the role of imported technologies and surveillance infrastructures in managing the internet and monitoring citizens, a trend that in practice can expand the authorities’ capacity to control and identify protesters.

Raising the Issue of “Equipping Security Forces with Crowd-Control Tools”

In another statement, the head of the judiciary stated during a public meeting with senior judicial officials that a review was needed regarding “how security forces confront gatherings,” and spoke of examining broader use of crowd-control tools. Within this context, some domestic media outlets reported discussions about equipping security forces with tools such as tasers and riot-control equipment as alternatives to what were described as “costly and violent methods.”

The proposal prompted critical reactions. Human rights activists and observers have stressed that such tools, if used without clear regulations and independent oversight, could themselves lead to an increase in human rights violations, particularly in light of numerous reports documenting the direct use of pellet guns and military weapons against protesters.

In this context, reports have emerged regarding the high number of eye and facial injuries during the protests, including accounts citing more than one thousand eye injuries recorded at a specialized medical center, including Farabi Hospital. In addition, numerous images and reports have circulated showing protesters being shot in the head, face, and eyes, alongside allegations of the securitization of some medical facilities, pressure on healthcare staff, and even the abduction of injured individuals from hospitals.

Statement by the Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company; “Killing and Arrest of Workers” and Demand for Immediate Release

The Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company issued a statement criticizing what it described as the “killing” and widespread arrest of protesting workers during the protests. Referring to communication restrictions and internet shutdowns, the statement says that reports have gradually emerged indicating the deaths of a number of protesting workers.

The labor union also pointed to reports concerning the mass arrest of workers in Asaluyeh, stating that workers who intended to go on strike were detained collectively and held in warehouses belonging to the same companies. Emphasizing the responsibility of security institutions for the lives of detainees, the syndicate called for the publication of the names of those killed and arrested, transparency regarding their status, families’ access to information, and the immediate and unconditional release of all detained workers and protesters across the country.

Publication of an Alleged “Apology” Letter Attributed to Mohammad Ali Saedinia; Conflicting Accounts of Pressure and Sealing of Premises

As part of the continued security confrontation with well-known figures and trade/social activists, a copy of an alleged “apology” letter attributed to Mohammad Ali Saedinia was published. The letter is addressed to the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic and to “the people,” and in it, the author uses language emphasizing “love for Iran” and the “rejection of accusations of treason” in an attempt to explain his position.

Accounts accompanying this news report state that Saedinia had previously been arrested over actions such as closing cafés in response to political calls. At the same time, reports have emerged regarding the sealing of his place of business and even discussions about the confiscation of assets or compensation through the sale of property. However, the precise legal status of his case, his place of detention, and the authenticity of the letter’s attribution remain disputed and unclear.

Arrests and Summonses of Reformist Figures

Reports concerning the arrest and summons of political figures close to the reformist camp also continued.

According to reports, Javad Emam, Secretary General of the Majma-e Isargaran, was arrested by security forces and transferred to an undisclosed location.

Hossein Karroubi, a political activist and son of Mehdi Karroubi, was also arrested; his lawyer stated that the arrest took place after he was summoned to the Media and Culture Prosecutor’s Office.

In another development, it was reported that Azar Mansouri (head of the Reformist Front), Ebrahim Asgharzadeh, and Mohsen Aminzadeh were arrested. At the same time, reports indicated that figures such as Mohammad Sadegh Javadi-Hessar and Mohammad Ali Abtahi had been summoned.

Reports also noted the arrest of Ali Shakourirad, a member of the central council of the Etemad-e Melli Party, following the release of an audio file and claims raised about “fabricating killings.”

This wave of arrests and summonses has continued amid an intensification of warning messages from judicial authorities about “speeding up case processing,” while the security atmosphere targeting political and civil activists has become increasingly pronounced.

Task Force for “Reviewing the January Incidents”; Announcement of a Government Working Group

The president, Masoud Pezeshkian, has ordered the formation of a task force to review the January incidents. According to reports, this body is set to operate under the leadership of Mohammad Reza Aref, the First Vice President, with the participation of members from the government as well as some officials from outside the administration.

The announcement of such a task force comes amid the release of differing figures regarding the death toll and the scale of the crackdown. While some official media outlets have referred to a figure of “more than several thousand killed,” HRANA’s aggregated data up to the end of day forty-four reports 6,964 confirmed deaths and 11,730 cases still under review.

Continuation of Arrests and Security Crackdowns; From Mass Arrests to the Detention of Students, Teachers, and Minors

On day forty-four, numerous reports were published of arrests, transfers to undisclosed locations, and the prolonged legal uncertainty of detainees. Reports included both individual arrests, naming those detained and their locations, and mass arrests reported in numerical terms.

1) Mass Arrests and Numerical Waves Across Several Provinces

At least 117 citizens were reportedly arrested in connection with the protests, including 31 citizens in Saman County and 86 protesters in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province.

Official media also reported the arrest of at least 67 citizens in two locations: 11 citizens in Bandar Gaz and 56 protesters in Esfarayen.

These figures, alongside HRANA’s aggregated total of 51,790 arrests through the end of day forty-four, indicate that the security crackdown has not been limited to cases involving well-known figures, but has encompassed a broad segment of protesting society, from ordinary citizens to students and workers.

2) Recorded Arrests by Name, From Tehran to Miandoab

Daily reports referred to the arrest or continued legal uncertainty of a number of other citizens, including: Ahmad Taj (Tehran), Ali Shakouri-Rad (Tehran), Erfan Arabi, a student (Birjand), Amir Mohammad Sarafraz (Bojnord), Behzad Abdi (Miandoab), Saeed Alizadeh (Tehran), Ahad Mihan-Khah (Oshnavieh), Sajjad Hekmat (Abdanan), Abbas Gharagozloo, a student (Alborz Province), Diako Rajabi, a student (Zanjan), Homa Teymouri (Tehran), Mohammad Mehdi Baralak (Ilam), Ali Cheraghi (Tehran), and Ali Namizad (Ilam).

Additional details indicate that Ahmad Taj was arrested in Tehran on January 10 and is currently being held in Greater Tehran Prison, where he has been charged with “assembly and collusion.” Erfan Arabi, a 20-year-old computer engineering student at Islamic Azad University of Birjand, was arrested after being summoned to the Birjand Intelligence Office.

In a further account regarding Diako Rajabi, it was reported that he is a nutrition student at Zanjan University and was working at a café; he was arrested near Saadi Street in Zanjan after leaving his workplace. Regarding Abbas Gharagozloo, reports state that after about a month, there is still no clear official information about his place of detention or legal status.

Continuing the pressure on civil activists, it was reported that Ali Cheraghi, a teacher and children’s rights activist, was arrested on January 28 following a raid by security agents on his home in Tehran’s Punak neighborhood. According to reports, his phone and some electronic devices were confiscated, and immediately after his arrest, his Instagram page became inaccessible. His family has reportedly received no information about his whereabouts or condition.

3) Arrests of Teachers and Minors; Sonqor, Sanandaj/Saqqez, and Bandar Anzali

Several notable cases were reported today in relation to professional and age-based arrests:

Ali Shamayeli, a teacher from Sonqor, was arrested by security forces and transferred to an undisclosed location.

Keyomars Va’ezi, a teacher and labor activist living in Saqqez, was arrested by the IRGC Intelligence Organization on January 5 and transferred at dawn the following day to Dizel-Abad Prison in Kermanshah. His arrest reportedly took place at 4:00 p.m. in front of his private residence, and he remains in detention.

Saeed Hajibabaei, a 16-year-old minor, was arrested more than a month ago in Bandar Anzali and is being held in a state of uncertainty at Lakan Prison in Rasht.

Updated (Aggregated) Statistics Through the End of Day Forty-Four

• Protest-related incidents recorded on the day: 76

• Number of cities (no duplicates): 210

• Number of provinces (no duplicates): 31

• Injured civilians: 11,022

• Total arrests: 51,790

• Student arrests: 122

• Forced confessions: 331

• Summonses: 11,051

• Total protesters killed: 6,473

▪️ Including children: 212
▪️ Military/government-affiliated: 214
▪️ Non-civilian, non-protester: 65

• Total confirmed deaths: 6,964

• Cases under review: 11,730

Summary

Day forty-four concluded amid the continued, large-scale, and multi-layered pattern of arrests, ranging from mass arrests across several provinces to individual detentions identified by name, affecting political activists, students, teachers, minors, and civil society activists. At the university level, the student gathering at Ferdowsi University of Mashhad became one of the day’s focal points, highlighting demands regarding the status of Amin Pourfarhang and commemorating slain student protesters.

At the same time, on the official level, the head of the judiciary’s criticism of the “slow handling” of cases effectively signaled an intensification of the judicial approach. Within this atmosphere, the denial of a death sentence for Mohammad Hossein Hosseini illustrated how protest-related cases remain highly susceptible to the emergence of volatile and contentious narratives.

Alongside these developments, the statement issued by the Syndicate of Workers of the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company and the discussion surrounding equipping security forces with crowd-control tools underscored that the confrontation between street-level protests and mechanisms of repression continues along two parallel tracks: escalating security and field pressure on the one hand, and growing labor, social, and civic protest and demands on the other.

Day 43 of the Protests: Pressure and Threats on Universities and Political Activists

HRANA – Based on HRANA’s latest aggregated data through the end of the forty-third day since the start of the protests, a total of 675 protest locations have been recorded across 210 cities and 31 provinces. According to these figures, the total number of confirmed fatalities stands at 6,961, of whom 6,476 have been registered as “protesters.” Among the deceased, 207 are reported to be children under the age of 18. Additionally, 214 individuals affiliated with the government and 64 categorized as “non-protester civilians” have been reported killed. The number of cases listed as “under review” has been announced as 11,730.

During the same period, the number of civilian injuries reached 11,022, the total number of arrests was recorded at 51,591, 120 students were arrested, 331 cases of forced confessions were documented, and 11,050 summonses were issued.

Reports from the forty-first day indicate a continued and expanding wave of security and judicial crackdowns targeting protesters and their supporters, spanning universities, political figures, and ordinary citizens across multiple cities. At the same time, official rhetoric remained overtly threatening, from statements by the Golestan prosecutor on identifying property and pursuing compensation for damages, to sharp attacks by the head of the judiciary and several members of parliament against the authors of recent statements.

Other reports increasingly underscored the human and medical toll of the protests. These included accounts of injured individuals delaying treatment out of fear, the Medical Council Organization’s announcement of 25,000 visits to medical facilities, and renewed emphasis on the killing of a significant number of students during the unrest. Meanwhile, the situation of children and school students once again drew attention, following the publication of victims’ names and official acknowledgment that individuals under the age of 18 continue to be held in detention.

Student Arrests and the Ongoing Restriction of the Academic Environment

As part of continued arrests linked to the protests, three students were arrested in Tehran: Sohrab Assareh, Kasra Amini, and Ali Khanpour. The inclusion of these names, alongside the cumulative figure of 120 student arrests, underscores that the campaign of pressure against universities has not abated and has, in certain locations, escalated.

Reports have also emerged of the continued detention and prolonged uncertainty facing some students. Among these is the case of Yousef Yousefi (a student at K. N. Toosi University of Technology), who is reported to remain in detention after weeks and has been deprived of access to classes and examinations. This pattern, arrest, prolonged uncertainty, and denial of education, when viewed alongside the high number of summonses and forced confessions, reflects the growing securitization of universities. In this environment, student participation in protests, or even symbolic expressions of support, can result in arrest and the opening of legal cases.

Crackdowns Extend into the Political Sphere

Reports also point to the arrest of political figures. Among those named are Azar Mansouri, Ebrahim Asgharzadeh, and Mohsen Aminzadeh. These arrests come amid recent reports of the summoning and detention of signatories and supporters of critical statements. The inclusion of well-known political figures now signals a clearer expansion of the crackdown into the political arena.

In the same vein, Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei and several members of parliament have also directed attacks against the authors of recent statements. The language used in these positions has largely centered on accusations, political threats, and efforts to delegitimize critics, raising concerns about the potential escalation of judicial pressure, further summonses, and the opening of new cases against signatories and those associated with them. These attacks alongside the reported arrests suggests that state measures have moved beyond controlling street protests and toward tightening control over the broader public and political space.

Remarks by the Golestan Prosecutor on Identifying Property

One important development on the forty-third day was the Golestan prosecutor’s remarks regarding the identification of defendants’ property and the pursuit of “compensation for damages.” Raising such issues signals that the authorities’ approach is not limited to arrest and conviction alone, but may extend toward financial pressure, asset-focused measures, and the imposition of economic costs on protesters and their families.

Such statements, particularly when viewed alongside numerous reports of widespread summonses and forced confessions, present a picture of a “combined deterrence” policy, in which judicial threats are coupled with economic and social tools. Under this approach, the impact of repression extends beyond the detained individual to encompass their family and broader social environment.

Remarks by the Vice President for Executive Affairs

At the government level, the Vice President for Executive Affairs referred to survey results indicating widespread public dissatisfaction, noting especially low levels of satisfaction in certain provinces. These remarks come at a time when arrests and security crackdowns continue on the ground.

The acknowledgment of widespread dissatisfaction alongside the continued repression indicates that the government is seeking to manage public opinion. In this official narrative, public discontent is merely noted, without any reference to its underlying causes or to the violent suppression of protests.

“Students Among the Victims”: Health Ministry Official on the Killing of Students

Continuing official statements, the Deputy for Cultural and Student Affairs at the Ministry of Health reported that nearly 100 students have been killed during the protests and also referred to the ongoing detention of a number of students. The significance of these remarks lies in the fact that, when viewed alongside HRANA’s data, including the rise in student arrests to 120 cases, they once again underscore that the student community has been among the primary groups bearing the human and security costs of the protests.

This situation underscores two key dynamics: the active participation of students in the protests, and the transformation of universities into major focal points of security crackdowns, marked by scattered arrests, denial of access to education, and various forms of informal pressure.

“Children Under 18 in Detention”: Justice Minister’s Admission and Rising Concerns

On the forty-third day, the issue of children and adolescents once again came to the forefront. The Minister of Justice acknowledged the detention of children under the age of 18, stating that some remain in custody for the purpose of “investigations.” These remarks come amid HRANA data documenting 207 child fatalities, alongside continued reports of teenagers being arrested and held in designated detention facilities.

The official acknowledgment of this issue, combined with a lack of transparency regarding the location of detention, health conditions, access to family members and legal counsel, and the duration of detention, has intensified concerns over the fate of detained minors. This is particularly alarming given that the continuation of detention under the pretext of “completing investigations” can, in practice, lead to prolonged and exhausting periods of detention.

“List of Deceased Schoolchildren”: Teachers’ Statement and the Documentation of Names

Today, the Coordinating Council of Teachers’ Trade Associations announced in a statement that at least 200 school students have been killed, publishing a list of their names. The release of this list, going beyond a mere statistic, amounts to the formal documentation of identities, transforming victims from numbers into named individuals. Such an act can increase social pressure for accountability regarding the scope of the crackdown and the resolution of these cases.

Alongside this statement, HRANA’s data also indicate that children make up a significant proportion of confirmed fatalities. The convergence of these figures with official acknowledgment of the detention of individuals under the age of 18 presents a picture of the crisis extending into the realm of childhood and schools, an arena that under normal circumstances should remain insulated from security measures, but has now become one of the protest movement’s most sensitive fault lines.

“Fear of Seeking Treatment”: Reports of Delayed Medical Care and Severe Consequences

Reports indicate that some injured individuals delay or altogether avoid seeking medical care due to fear of arrest, summonses, or other security repercussions. According to these accounts, such delays have, in some cases, resulted in serious consequences, including blindness, permanent disability, risk of amputation, and even death.

These reports demonstrate that the prevailing security climate has extended its impact to the realm of medical treatment itself, effectively increasing the human cost of the protests. When the injured fear presenting at hospitals, the documentation and treatment of injuries become more difficult, and the likelihood of timely and effective medical intervention is significantly reduced.

“25,000 Medical Visits”: Medical Council’s Remarks and the Scale of Injuries

Continuing reports from the healthcare sector, the Medical Council Organization has stated that 25,000 injured individuals sought medical treatment during the course of the protests. This figure, when viewed alongside HRANA’s data on attacks and injuries, including the registration of 11,022 civilian injuries by the end of the forty-third day, highlights the extensive scale of physical harm and the mounting strain on the healthcare system.

The presentation of these figures alongside accounts of the “fear of seeking treatment” suggests that the crisis extends beyond the sheer number of injured individuals. Issues of access to care and the safety of seeking medical treatment have themselves evolved into a secondary crisis, one with direct consequences for both families and medical personnel.

“University Notices and Suspension of Activities”: Iranian Studies Associations at the University of Tehran

Today, the Iranian studies associations at the University of Tehran also issued a notice announcing the suspension of their official and public activities. While such notices are typically framed in administrative and internal language, within the context of the prevailing security climate they can be interpreted as a sign of intensified restrictions on collective activities and tighter control over academic and cultural institutions. This is particularly notable given that, in recent weeks, reports have already emerged of pressure on university activities, the suspension of programs, and the imposition of similar limitations.

“Reactions from Sports Figures”: Symbolic Support Amid Security Costs

Alongside reports of arrests and pressure, reactions from sports figures also drew attention. According to reports, several footballers, including Alireza Jahanbakhsh, Mehdi Taremi, and Ali Gholizadeh, shared messages or expressed reactions in support of the protests. In another report, Rasoul Khadem issued a statement calling for the release of Alireza Nejati (a former Greco-Roman national team wrestler), who has reportedly been arrested due to his support for the protests.

The visibility of these reactions comes amid a broader context in which athletes have previously faced pressure, summonses, or detention for expressing solidarity with the protests. As a result, each new public stance simultaneously serves as an act of symbolic support and a reminder of the significant security costs such expressions may carry.

“Other Arrests and Crackdowns”: From Detained Couples to Mass Arrests

As sporadic arrests continued across various cities, reports emerged of additional citizens being detained, including the following cases:

• Leila Nasirinia was arrested in Ramhormoz.

• Ali Siahpour, a 17-year-old teenager, was arrested in Gachsaran.

• Shehzad/Heydar Azami, a Baha’i citizen, was arrested in Semnan.

• Saeedeh Foroughifar and Mohsen Darji, a couple residing in Yasuj, were arrested and transferred to an undisclosed location.

It has also been reported that at least 43 citizens were arrested in Behbahan, of whom 26 have since been released. Such mass arrests, often accompanied by transfers to undisclosed locations and gradual, limited releases, indicate that policies of psychological attrition and social destabilization remain in effect.

At a broader level, the rise in the total number of arrests to 51,591 cases and summonses to 11,050 cases demonstrates that crackdowns continue on a wide scale. In many instances, these measures extend beyond detention and are accompanied by summonses, threats, and various forms of extrajudicial pressure.

Updated (Aggregated) Statistics as of the End of Day 43 Since the Start of the Protests

• Total recorded protest locations: 675

• Number of cities (without repetition): 210

• Number of provinces (without repetition): 31

• Civilian injuries: 11,022

• Total arrests: 51,591

• Student arrests: 120

• Forced confessions: 331

• Summonses: 11,050

• Total protesters killed: 6,476

▪️ Including children: 207
▪️ Military / government-affiliated: 214
▪️ Non-civilian / non-protester: 64

• Total confirmed fatalities: 6,961

• Cases under review: 11,730

Summary

On the forty-third day, the dominant trend was the continuation of organized repression, marked by student and political arrests alongside persistent official threats. These included the arrest of three students in Tehran, the detention of political figures such as Azar Mansouri, Ebrahim Asgharzadeh, and Mohsen Aminzadeh, as well as attacks by Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei and several members of parliament against the authors of recent statements.

At the same time, remarks by the Golestan prosecutor regarding the identification of property and the pursuit of compensation for damages pointed to the continuation of judicial pressure through economic instruments. In the humanitarian and medical sphere, reports of injured individuals fearing access to medical care, combined with the announcement of 25,000 medical visits and the documentation of 11,022 civilian injuries, highlighted the severe human consequences of the protests.

Simultaneously, the issue of children and school students became more prominent, with official acknowledgment of the detention of individuals under the age of 18 and the publication of a list naming at least 200 deceased school students. Taken together, these data and developments indicate that the protest crisis continues to expand, carrying escalating human, social, and security costs.

Ayatollah Mohseni Eje’i Won the International Bludgeon Award

HRANA News Agency – Ayatollah Mohseni Eje’i, Prosecutor of Iran, was chosen as the winner of the International Bludgeon Award of the Woman’s Link worldwide as the most anti-woman judge in the world. In their announcement, the organization who awards the number one pro-women and anti-women judges in the world every year, said: ‘the Bludgeon went to a decision of the Supreme Court of Iran which found that wives who refuse to comply with their conjugal duties cannot file for a divorce even if the husband takes another woman as a wife. This decision was nominated by Shadi Sadr from Justice for Iran.”

Following the decision of the Supreme Court of Iran regarding limiting the right to divorce for women, on March 13, 2011, Justice for Iran nominated Ayatollah Mohseni Eje’i, as well as the majority of the judges on the Supreme Court, for the International Bludgeon award for having voted in favor of this decision. In a call for action, Justice for Iran asked everyone to use the Women’s Link Worldwide website and vote for Ayatollah Mohseni Eje’i.

The call for action stated: “The nomination is due to the decision issued by the Supreme Court in October 2010 based on which, if a women disobeys her husband sexually, and leaves his house, she can no longer use the right of divorce obtained as a marriage condition, even if her husband takes another wife. Based on this, if a wife has disagreement with her husband and leaves him and the husband takes another wife without obtaining her permission, the first wife is considered to be disobedient and thereby cannot obtain a divorce based on her marriage contract conditions. This is while according to the Iranian law, not only the husband has the right to have multiple wives, but also, if he so chooses, he can divorce his wife whenever he wants without providing any reasons as to why. According to the text of the vote published in the official gazette, Ayatollah Mohseni Eje’i stated his agreement with the elimination of the right of the women given to her by the marriage condition prior to the voting of the other judges. The blatant injustice ingrained in this vote and the negatives effects of it on the lives of all married or to be married Iranian women motivated Justice for Iran to nominate Mohseni Eje’i and the members of the Iranian Supreme Court for the worse judge of the year award.”

Twenty three other judges, other than Mohseni Eje’i, were nominated from countries of Spain, Colombia, UK, Argentina, El Salvador, the Philippines, Kenya, Mexico, Canada, Ecuador, and Cambodia.

Last night, on June 2, 2011, in a ceremony in Madrid, the jury awarded Mohseni Eje’i to be the winner of the International Bludgeon award of this year.

Shadi Sadr, director of Justice For Iran said in the ceremony: ‘I am so glad that once again, the issue of gender discrimination in Iran has been visible at international level. I would like to thank Women’s World Wide to make this unique opportunity for us to nominate Ayatollah Mohseni Eje’i and the majority of the judges of Iran’s Supreme Court to nominate them and to shame them through the gathering bludgeon for them.’

The winner of the Gavel went to a decision made by the Inter American Commission for Human Rights that asked Haiti to take measures to protect women and girls who were victims of sexual violence in the internally displaced camps after the 2010 earthquake. The measures include adequate medical attention, availability of emergency contraception and prevention against sexual violence. This decision was nominated by Lisa Davis, Adjunct Professor at CUNY Law School and Human Rights Advocacy Director for MADRE.

Viviana Waisman, Executive Director at Women’s Link said in the ceremony: “In all countries, regardless their political system, national culture or religious believes, statements made by judges, courts or tribunals have an enormous influence on the sense of justice and the daily life of men and women. With the Gender Justice Uncovered Awards all of their decisions are under a magnifying glass and citizens from all over the world can help in scrutinizing them”.

Woman’s Link Worldwide jury consists of Lydia Cacho Ribeiro, Mexican journalist and writer who has won numerous awards for her work on the conditions of human rights and sexual violence. Baltasar Garzon, justice of the Spain’s High Court and the advisor to the International Criminal Court who issued the arrest warrant for Pinochet, former dictator of Chile. And Patricia Sellers, Prosecutor and advisor on sexual matters to the International Criminal Tribunal of the Former Yugoslavia as well as the prosecutor for the Women’s War Crime Tribunal in Japan.

This is the third year Women’s Link Worldwide issues the international Bludgeon Award to the most Anti-Women judge in the world. This year, the organization also awarded the international Gavel award for having issued a decision to most help promote gender equality.

Justice for Iran thanks all those who voted for Mohseni Eje’i and helped bring the attention of the international community to the discriminatory laws in Iran and the behavior of the Supreme Court judges in further promoting these discriminatory laws. Justice for Iran considers this award to be a positive step towards holding the human rights violators in Iran accountable, a step towards the goal that no human rights violation must go unheeded.

Who is Gholam Hossein Mohseni Eje’i?

Gholam Hossein Mohseni Eje’i was born in 1956 in Ejeyeh of Isfahan Province. After the revolution, for 14 years he held different judicial and intelligence related posts.

Some of his posts include: head of the selection office of the ministry of Intelligence between 1984-1985, representative of the Judiciary in the ministry of Intelligence from the second half of 1985 to 1988, head of the Special Court for Economic issues in 1989 and 1990, representative of the Judiciary in the Ministry of Intelligence and some protection offices between 1991 and 1994, prosecutor of the Special Court for the Clergy between 1985 and 1987. Further, according to testimony of political prisoners, he was a member of a committee known as “Death Committee” by whose decision thousands of political prisoners were killed in 1988. It is further alleged that he issued the fatwa for assassination of some modern thinkers and writers during the chain murders.

Aside from heading the special court for the clergy, between 1998 and 2002, Mohseni Eje’i was in charge of the Special Judicial Compound to Process the Crimes of the Government Employees. In the recent years, he was the representative of the judiciary in the committee to supervise published press, a committee who issued the closure order for tens of newspapers and magazines.

During Ahmadinejad, he was first introduced as the minister of Intelligence that, due to the role that office played in crushing the opposition post 2009 presidential election, is known to be one of the main violators of human rights. For this reason, the American government placed him amongst the names of statesmen who are subject to sanction.

Gholam Hossein Mohseni Eje’i is currently the Prosecutor of Iran.